Pagina dettaglio corso numero uno

by Laura Squillace, Research Fellow at the University of Milan

Bertil Cottier, President of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) of the Council of Europe, has urged the Italian government to promptly commission an independent study to investigate the phenomenon of racial profiling in policing. The objective is to evaluate its extent and support the formulation of effective prevention and intervention strategies.

Several political figures occupying institutional and governmental roles have swiftly expressed solidarity with law enforcement, strongly rejecting accusations of racism directed at the Italian police, as had already happened in October of the previous year. Notably, the 2024 ECRI report had already identified significant concerns regarding the conduct of the Italian police, specifically highlighting instances of racial profiling targeting Roma communities and individuals of African descent.

It would be overly simplistic to focus solely on the Ministry of the Interior’s own data concerning police removal orders—carried out through highly discretionary control measures such as prefectural ordinances establishing “red zones” in certain Italian cities—without recognizing the clear need for a thorough investigation. According to the Ministry’s infographic dated May 14, 2025, a total of 555,181 individuals were stopped, while of the 4,122 removal orders issued, 3,073 (74.5%) involved foreign nationals. Considered in isolation, these figures reveal little. A deeper understanding requires knowledge of how many of the 555,181 stops involved foreigners, as well as the criteria under which foreign nationals were removed at a higher rate than Italians. An independent study that makes all relevant data and information publicly accessible for scrutiny would therefore be invaluable.

However, this issue extends beyond mere data. It is crucial to clarify some key concepts. In the academic literature, “racial profiling” refers to policing practices in which individual characteristics—such as race, ethnicity, national origin, or religious appearance—are disproportionately weighted when determining whom to stop and search, thereby constructing and monitoring a stereotypical profile of individuals deemed more likely to commit crimes. Furthermore, it is necessary to define what is meant by racism in contemporary societies and to explain why democratic institutions cannot avoid confronting this phenomenon.

As many sociologists have emphasized—such as Michel Wieviorka, Pierre Bourdieu, Aníbal Quijano, and Edward Telles (notably from diverse national backgrounds, underscoring that this issue concerns all contemporary societies)—race, understood not as a biological reality but as a social construct, remains highly relevant in everyday social interactions and dynamics. Consequently, it must be regarded as a fundamental analytical category for understanding inequalities and power relations in modern societies. Nevertheless, there persists a marked reluctance to employ the term “racism,” as if to deny the existence of race-based discrimination. In contrast, racism continues to be an active element within our societies—not merely a vestige of a distant past—and manifests institutionally, as first theorized by Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton in 1967.

Institutional racism is subtler than individual racism, permeating society as a whole and representing a form of discrimination that affects all its spheres, institutions, and everyday practices. Given its pervasive nature, Grada Kilomba employs the term “everyday racism” to capture its systemic and quotidian dimension.

Building on these insights, it must be recognized that, like any other institution, police forces are culturally embedded within the societies in which they operate. It is unrealistic to assume they are not influenced by the cultural orientations rooted in those societies, including prejudices and stereotypes based on racial divisions—which in Italy, where immigration is a more recent phenomenon compared to other European contexts, often intersect with distinctions between Italians and foreigners. However, public and institutional discourse tends to deny this reality, attributing instances of discriminatory behavior to the misconduct of individual officers rather than acknowledging deeper systemic dynamics. Such a narrative serves to minimize the structural dimensions of the problem by shifting focus from institutionalized practices and biases to individual accountability—the so-called “bad apple” theory.

To fully comprehend the phenomenon, the focus must shift from individual acts of discrimination to the police institution as a whole. Drawing on Roberto Cornelli’s concept of the “threshold of acceptance of violence,” introduced in his book La forza di polizia. Uno studio criminologico sulla violenza (Giappichelli, 2020), we can similarly speak of a “threshold of acceptance of racism” present in every country. This threshold varies according to the specific cultural, historical, and social sensitivities of each national context, shaping what is perceived as acceptable, tolerable, or unacceptable in relation to discriminatory or racializing practices. Moreover, within the same social context, this threshold can differ significantly among various institutional and social actors. Each context establishes distinct limits of tolerance toward race-sensitive attitudes and behaviors, influenced by ambivalent value systems and sentiments such as (in)tolerance, integration, hospitality, fear, and perceived threat or contamination. These factors contribute to the construction of implicit hierarchies that render certain individuals as less deserving—or less worthy—than others, sometimes facilitating dehumanizing practices.

Numerous studies examining stop-and-search practices in the United Kingdom, France, and Germany have consistently revealed a disproportionate targeting of ethnic minorities by law enforcement, with young individuals being particularly affected.

It would be important to conduct comparable studies in Italy to enhance understanding of law enforcement institutions and their social representations and perceptions.

Some efforts in this direction have already been undertaken, such as the experimental course held in Milan by Roberto Cornelli and Adolfo Ceretti, which fostered dialogue between young people with migrant backgrounds and law enforcement agents on issues of racism and respect. Additionally, an ongoing study, conducted by Roberto Cornelli and myself, examines the relationship between law enforcement and young people with migrant backgrounds in Milan’s San Siro neighborhood, taking into account the experiences and perceptions of both groups. The goal is to contribute to a deeper understanding of policing practices in challenging contexts and to stimulate critical reflection on strategies necessary to enhance the capacity of law enforcement institutions to effectively address emerging social challenges associated with the presence of young people from ethnic minorities.

Observing these practices would not only benefit institutions confronted with social change but also serve as an essential exercise in democratic accountability. The question remains whether political institutions, beginning with the government, are prepared to acknowledge the importance of fostering and supporting research in this area. In response to the Council of Europe’s call, I am confident that universities are ready to offer their valuable contributions.